Thursday, December 29, 2011

Will the Rabbits Go Back In the Cage?


image

Will the Rabbits Go Back In the Cage?

كتبهاعلاء الأسوانى ، في 27 ديسمبر 2011 الساعة: 12:53 م

Will the Rabbits Go Back In the Cage?

 

 

by Alaa El Aswany

 

Can humans survive without food and drink? Of course not. These are fundamental needs and humans die if they are denied. Can humans survive without dignity? Unfortunately the answer is yes. Humans can live, eat and drink without having dignity. Human history has seen slavery, whereby millions of slaves lived for centuries without dignity. In fact many peoples have lived in subjection without dignity under despotic governments. For thirty years millions of Egyptians lived without dignity under the rule of Hosni Mubarak. They drank and ate, put up with humiliations and flattered the person in power to win his favour. For millions of Egyptians, staying alive was much more important than maintaining their dignity. They grew accustomed to having their dignity ignored, because they feared punishment or coveted material gains. They put up with arrogant police officers and called them 'pasha'; they put up with unfair bosses at work and curried favour with them. They put up with detention camps, torture and sexual abuse, turning a blind eye to them as long as they were happening to someone else, and advising their children to walk close to the wall and not to demonstrate or object to the ruler however much he abused, plundered and humiliated them. Millions of Egyptians thought that hypocrisy was the smart thing to do, that cowardice was wisdom and that failing to speak the truth was pure common sense. In return the Mubarak regime held Egyptians in deep contempt. All the officials in the Mubarak regime thought Egyptians were an ignorant, lazy, unproductive people, accustomed to anarchy and unfit for democracy. It was this contempt for the Egyptian people that made the Mubarak regime so confident that it was in full control, until it woke up to the revolution. The Egyptian revolution was a miracle by any standard. A generation of Egyptians emerged that was untouched by all the diseases of despotism. A generation that was fearless and would not take injustice in silence. Young Egyptians, who make up half the Egyptian people, whose courage and commitment to noble values is difficult to explain. These young people grew up in the shadow of a poor education system, misleading media, values in ruins and a ruler who who thought that having something to eat was much more important than dignity. Nonetheless, the youth of the revolution suddenly appeared, as if in one great leap, as if Egypt were a giant, bountiful tree that, whatever diseases it had, could go on producing new fresh green leaves. The first objective of the revolution was to restore the dignity of the Egyptian people. For Mubarak and his men, the surprise was a shock: these Egyptians had submitted to humiliation for years, so what had happened to them? What had made them so determined to recover their dignity? The revolution succeeded in driving Mubarak out of power in less than three weeks and the revolutionaries then gave the military council a mandate to govern Egypt for the transitional period.  At this point we should stop and consider the inclinations of the people after Mubarak stepped down. There were several million 'feloul' (remnants) who had  benefited from the Mubarak regime and who naturally hated the revolution. There were twenty million Egyptians who had themselves taken part in the revolution, to which we can add twice as many who were sympathetic towards the revolution. By simple calculation we can see that there are close to twenty million Egyptians who did not benefit from the Mubarak regime but at the same time did not take part in the revolution and were not sympathetic towards it. This silent group of submissive Egyptians suffered under the Mubarak regime but they fully succeeded in getting along with it. The revolution worried and annoyed these submissive people and made them reconsider the premises on which they had built their lives. Because cowardice is not necessarily wisdom and subservience is not necessarily pure common sense. They could see with their own eyes young people the age of their children facing bullets with their bare chests, fearlessly and without retreating, because for them death was better than an ignominious life. The attitude of these submissive people towards the revolution has been fickle, because although they would be happy to see the revolution achieve its aims they are not at all prepared to make any sacrifices for it. The military council took office amid overwhelming popular support from Egyptians, who trusted that it would be able to, and wished to, fulfil the aims of the revolution. But Egyptians were surprised to find that the behaviour of the military council was strange and confused. When we now look back at everything that has happened, it will be easy to see the picture clearly:

    Firstly: the military council resisted any real change and managed to keep the Mubarak regime in power. It was natural that the old regime would try to undo the revolution. The military council refused to write a new constitution and made do with some amendments to the old constitution, on which it held a referendum. It then bypassed the will of the people and declared an interim constitution of 63 articles, outlining the political system without reference to the wishes of Egyptians.

    Secondly: the military council allowed the security situation to deteriorate and did nothing to solve the successive artificial crises that made life hell for Egyptians and made a sector of Egyptian society (the submissives) turn against the revolution and consider it the cause of all the problems  they faced in life.

    Thirdly: the military council led a campaign to discredit the revolutionaries. After portraying the young revolutionaries as national heroes, the official media turned to portraying them as tools of  foreign agendas, as thugs and saboteurs who wanted to bring down the state.

    Fourthly: from the start the military council divided the revolutionary bloc into Islamists and liberals and stoked each camp's fears of the other. Sometimes it would cosy up to the Islamists, then gesture to the liberals, who would come running to write for them a document that would protect them from the Islamist constitution that frightens them. Then, when the Islamists get angry, the council goes back to winning their favour. In this way those who were comrades in the revolution have moved into an endless cycle of struggles and accusations that have fragmented and weakened the forces of the revolution.

    Fifthly: the military council has organized elections in a way that completely excludes the young revolutionaries from parliament and opens the door wide for the Islamists to obtain the majority. To be fair, we must admit that the Islamists do enjoy a real and effective popularity in the street and they are bound to obtain a large share of the votes in any fair elections, but what has happened in the elections is something different. State Security had offered its vast experience and a supreme electoral commission has been brought in to help, a council that does nothing to stop violations, does not enforce the law and completely ignores all the electoral violations and crimes committed by the Islamists. When it was clear to all that the Islamists would win most of the seats, the military council exploited the fears of the liberals and formed an advisory council from among them to be its right arm in cutting the Islamists down to size. So the conflict has raged on between the revolutionary partners in a way that leads to the military council staying in office, since all sides need it to exist.

    Sixthly: through incidents planned by the Mubarak regime, Egypt has been portrayed as descending into complete chaos. Great powers are naturally interested in what's happening in the biggest Arab country and are keen to protect their interests in the region. When Israel violated the Egyptian border and killed six Egyptian officers and men on their own territory, the military council did nothing to hold Israel to account for the crime. This was a message to the United States that Hosni Mubarak's policy will be implemented in full by the military council. That was followed by complete support from the U.S. State Department for the military council. In fact the U.S. statements in praise of the military council have used the same expressions with which it used to praise Hosni Mubarak.

    In this way the Egyptian revolution has been thwarted, through a succession of carefully thought-out steps. One final step is still needed to put an end to the revolution, as if it never happened.  After the revolutionaries were surrounded, excluded from parliament and discredited, a crushing blow had to be delivered to break the will of the revolutionaries for ever. The circumstances were propitious for that crushing blow: the Islamist leaders did not want to upset the military council because they want seats in parliament, and the major liberals were sitting at the military council's table, seeking position in the next cabinet. As for the submissive sector of society, its anxiety about all the crises and conflicts has turned into real hatred for the revolution and they are openly nostalgic for the days of Mubarak, when their lives might have been servile and humiliating but they were stable and safe. Repeated massacres have been organized, all in the same manner: the security forces deploy thugs, who start fires at government buildings and carry out acts of vandalism. Egyptians panic and believe that the revolutionaries are thugs. There follow waves of brutal attacks on demonstrators, not just to kill and blind them, but also - and this is the most important aim - to frighten all Egyptians about the idea of going out in the street or demonstrating and to make them revert to the subservience they showed before the revolution. Anyone who has seen the appalling crimes the security forces and army have committed against demonstrators is bound to wonder: why are they deliberately beating and abusing demonstrators in the open? What good does it do the soldiers when they hit an old lady or when they pull the clothes off a female demonstrator in front of the cameras? The only purpose is to break the will of Egyptians and make them submissive again. The purpose is to make us feel once again that we are up against a n irresistible force and to make us tremble in fear at the idea of angering or opposing authority. Every time we see the female demonstrator stripped bare, stamped on by army boots, we will remember our mothers and wives and worry they might meet the same fate. The aim is to make us submit to the will of overwhelming authority, to make sure the rabbits go back in their cages so that the military council can lock them up, and then the Mubarak regime can do what it likes with Egypt. The current battle is between the revolution and the Mubarak regime. The demonstrators' determination to stand firm against the security forces, whatever the sacrifices, stems basically from their feeling that they are the revolution's only remaining force. They are dying, not to defend Mohamed Mahmoud Street or the sit-in at the prime minister's office, but in defence of the revolution. Every time the Mubarak regime rallies to deliver the final blow to the revolution,. it is surprised to meet fierce resistance from the revolutionaries, a resistance that upsets their calculations and forces them to commit more barbaric crimes in order to break the will of the revolutionaries by any means possible and at any price. The will of the revolution has not yet been broken and the more brutal the Mubarak regime grows, the stiffer the resistance. Now it is our duty to rise above all differences and unite against the Mubarak regime that is committing all these crimes. Despite the many flaws, I think we must accept the results of the elections and give our full support to the next People's Assembly, because in the end it is the only body elected by the Egyptian people. All efforts must be concerted in one direction: a transfer of power from the military council to a civilian government formed by the People's Assembly, today rather than tomorrow.

    Democracy is the solution.                                     

 

    

 

 

email address: dralaa57@yahoo.com

 

 

 

أضف الى مفضلتك

ـــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــ
التصنيفات : translated articles | أرسل الإدراج  |   دوّن الإدراج  


imageاكتب تعليــقك

يجب ان تسجل الدخول لكي تتمكن من التعليق

View full page: alaaalaswany.maktoobblog.com/1622007/will-the-rabbits-go-back-in-the-cage

Generated by Instapaper's Text engine, which transforms web pages for easy text reading on mobile devices.


Original Page: http://alaaalaswany.maktoobblog.com/1622007/will-the-rabbits-go-back-in-the-cage/




Egypt Raids Offices of Nonprofits, 3 Backed by U.S.


Mohammed Asad/Associated Press

Egyptian military personnel stood guard as officials raided a non-governmental organization offices in Cairo on Thursday.

CAIRO — Security forces shut down three American-financed democracy-building groups and as many as six other nonprofit organizations on Thursday, in a crackdown that signaled a new low in relations between Washington and Egypt's military rulers.

Two of the organizations, the National Democratic Institute and the International Republican Institute, had been formally authorized by the Egyptian government to monitor the parliamentary elections set to resume next week. Critics said the surprise raids contradicted the military's pledge to hold a fair and transparent vote.

The other American-financed pro-democracy group whose offices were closed, the advocacy group Freedom House, had completed its application for official recognition just three days ago. An American group that helps train Egyptian journalists was among the other nonprofit groups raided.

Human rights activists said security forces barging into the offices of respected international organizations was unprecedented, even under the police state of President Hosni Mubarak, who was ousted this year.

The raids are the latest and most forceful effort yet by the country's ruling generals to crack down on perceived sources of criticism amid rising calls from Egyptian politicians and protesters and some Western leaders for the military to hand over power to a civilian government. Those calls were punctuated by Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton's expression of outrage last week over the military's beating and stripping of female demonstrators in Tahrir Square.

On Thursday, a State Department spokeswoman announced that it was "deeply concerned" by the raids.

"Suffice it to say we don't think that this action is justified," the spokeswoman, Victoria Nuland, said. "We want to see the harassment end," she added, calling the raids "inconsistent with the bilateral cooperation we've had over many years."

Another senior administration official, speaking on the condition of anonymity, said that in private channels, the United States had sent an even stronger message: "This crosses a line."

"It's triggered by ongoing concerns about control," the official added, as the ruling military council confronted the mounting pressure to hand over power.

Others called the raids a major challenge to Washington's policy toward Egypt, which receives $1.3 billion a year in American military aid.

"It is a major escalation in the Egyptian government's crackdown on civil society organizations, and it is unprecedented in its attack on international organizations like Freedom House, which is funded in large part by the United States government," said Charles Dunne, director of Middle East and North Africa Programs at the organization, which advocates democratic reforms. "The military council is saying we are happy to take your $1.3 billion a year, but we are not happy when you do things like defending human rights and supporting democracy."

The state news media said that the raids were part of an investigation into what it described as illegal foreign financing.

Contingents of soldiers and security officers armed with automatic weapons and wearing bulletproof vests burst into the offices of the nonprofit organizations at roughly the same time Thursday, around 1 p.m.

The officers provided no warrants or explanations, according to officials at several of the groups. They detained the groups' employees inside for more than five hours in some places. The security forces collected stacks of binders and files, confiscated computers, and sealed the doors as they left.

At the National Democratic Institute's office in Cairo, armed men in uniforms and plain clothes could be seen through a locked gate slicing open boxes of files stacked in a garage.

"Nobody understands what's going on," said Belal Mostafa Gooda, an Egyptian employee of the National Democratic Institute, in a furtive phone call from inside its locked gate during the raid. "We can't move inside or go outside," he said, adding, "They're searching all the papers and files and all laptops, and we don't know what will happen."

The National Democratic Institute receives United States government financing, promotes democracy abroad and says it is loosely affiliated with the Democratic Party. The International Republican Institute also receives government money, and is affiliated with some prominent Republicans.

The raids hit at least one German democracy-building group. The security forces also struck the Egyptian Budgetary and Human Rights Observatory, which studies the military and its spending. The officers also shut down an organization that argues for judicial independence.

Egyptian human rights groups are almost completely dependent on foreign financing because the hostility of the Mubarak government scared away Egyptian donors, and many received considerable support from the European Union as well as the United States.

But Egypt's military rulers began railing against the dangers of foreign financing to Egyptian sovereignty around the time last spring that the United States said it would allocate $65 million to help foster electoral democracy here. Although the United States is Egypt's most important benefactor, its policies in the region are also very unpopular here, making it an easy target.

Egyptian state news media have made it clear since the military-led government began investigating allegations of improper financing months ago that its principal target was money from the United States; in the most notable instance, a state-owned magazine greeted the new American ambassador, Anne W. Patterson, a few months ago with a cartoon cover depicting her holding wads of burning cash in the middle of Tahrir Square. "Ambassador from Hell," read the caption.

As new clashes have broken out between the military police and protesters challenging military rule — more than 80 have died since October — the generals have often warned that there are "hidden hands" trying to stir up trouble or "bring down the state." They have increasingly suggested that those hidden hands could be foreign-financed.

In a television interview last month, Maj. Gen. Mamdouh Shaheen suggested several times that the investigation into foreign financing of nongovernment organizations would shed light on the unnamed instigators who he said were behind the protests and clashes in the streets.

"There are hidden hands playing in the country," he said. "We tell the Egyptian people, and the Egyptian people are smart, that there are people who are trying to demolish the country."

Most human rights and democracy groups in Egypt already operate in a legal twilight because of Mubarak-era laws allowing only nongovernment organizations licensed by the government. Before and after his ouster, the Egyptian government has seldom granted such licenses to genuinely independent organizations.

"We are in the same gray zone everybody else is," said Heba Morayef, a researcher with Human Rights Watch here, a group that was not raided. "We are not licensed and we can be shut down and jailed and all of that, but we keep the authorities informed." After the revolution, she said, most such groups expected their lot to improve: "I don't think anybody expected there would be a new crackdown."

David D. Kirkpatrick reported from Cairo, and Steven Lee Myers from Washington. Mayy El Sheikh contributed reporting from Cairo.

A version of this article appeared in print on December 30, 2011, on page A4 of the New York edition with the headline: Egyptian Forces Raid and Shut Civic Groups, Drawing Sharp U.S. Response.

View full page: www.nytimes.com/2011/12/30/world/middleeast/egypts-forces-raid-offices-of-us-and-other-civi...

Generated by Instapaper's Text engine, which transforms web pages for easy text reading on mobile devices.


Original Page: http://www.nytimes.com/2011/12/30/world/middleeast/egypts-forces-raid-offices-of-us-and-other-civil-groups.html?_r=1&pagewanted=all




With $30 Billion Arms Deal, U.S. Bolsters Saudi Ties


HONOLULU — Fortifying one of its key allies in the Persian Gulf, the Obama administration announced a weapons deal with Saudi Arabia on Thursday, saying it had agreed to sell F-15 fighter jets valued at nearly $30 billion to the Royal Saudi Air Force.

The agreement, and the administration's parallel plans to press ahead with a nearly $11 billion arms deal for Iraq, despite rising political tensions there, is dramatic evidence of its determination to project American military influence in an oil-rich region shadowed by a threat from Iran.

Though the White House said the deal had not been accelerated to respond to threats by Iranian officials in recent days to shut off the Strait of Hormuz, its timing is laden with significance, as tensions with Iran have deepened and the United States has withdrawn its last soldiers from Iraq.

"This sale will send a strong message to countries in the region that the United States is committed to stability in the gulf and the broader Middle East," said Andrew J. Shapiro, the assistant secretary of state for political-military affairs. "It will enhance Saudi Arabia's ability to deter and defend against external threats to its sovereignty."

The agreement also suggests that the United States and Saudi Arabia have moved beyond a bitter falling-out over the uprisings in the Arab world. Though the two countries continue to differ on how to handle the popular revolts in the region, American and Saudi officials said, the disagreement has not fractured a strategic alliance based on a common concern over Iran.

Saudi Arabia is a longtime foe of Iran, with relations souring further last fall after the United States broke up what it said was an Iranian-backed plot to kill the Saudi ambassador to Washington. Iran has denied the accusations.

"When you look at the size of this package, what does it tell you about U.S.-Saudi relations?" said a senior Saudi official, who spoke anonymously because he was not authorized to speak publicly. "It says it's very strong and very solid. Any disagreements from time to time don't affect the core relationship."

The weapons package is remarkable, both for its size and for its technical sophistication. Under the terms of the $29.4 billion agreement signed on Dec. 24, Saudi Arabia will get 84 new F-15SA jets, manufactured by Boeing, and upgrades to 70 F-15s in the Saudi fleet with new munitions and spare parts. It will also get help with training, logistics and maintenance.

The new F-15s, which will be delivered in 2015, are among the most capable and versatile fighter jets in the world, Pentagon officials said. They will come with the latest air-to-air missiles and precision-guided air-to-ground missiles, enabling them to strike ships and radar facilities day or night and in any weather.

Though Mr. Shapiro and other officials said the planes were intended to help Saudi Arabia protect its sovereignty, military analysts said they would be effective against Iranian planes and ships anywhere in the Persian Gulf. They are part of a 10-year, $60 billion weapons package for Saudi Arabia that was approved last year by Congress.

At the time, there was a vigorous debate, with some lawmakers arguing that such a huge arms package would threaten the military position of Israel. Mr. Shapiro, speaking at a State Department briefing, said the administration was satisfied that the sale of the F-15s would not diminish "Israel's qualitative military edge."

The White House portrayed the arms sale as part of a concerted effort to shore up its relationship with Saudi Arabia. President Obama has made several telephone calls to King Abdullah, a senior official said; the national security adviser, Thomas E. Donilon, traveled twice to the Saudi capital, Riyadh; and Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr. led a high-level delegation to the funeral of Crown Prince Sultan bin Abdul Aziz in October.

Early this year, the Saudis were furious when Mr. Obama withdrew support for Egypt's embattled president, Hosni Mubarak, after he faced massive protests in Cairo's Tahrir Square. Later, it was the White House's turn to be upset, when Saudi tanks rolled into neighboring Bahrain to help quash a mainly Shiite rebellion against that kingdom's Sunni monarchy.

Yet Saudi Arabia and the United States continue to cooperate in areas like counterterrorism. In recent weeks, the two have worked to resolve the crisis in Yemen, where President Ali Abdullah Saleh has formally agreed to cede power in a Saudi-brokered agreement and has applied for a visa to travel to the United States for medical treatment.

"The agreement reinforces the strong and enduring relationship between the United States and Saudi Arabia," Joshua R. Earnest, the White House's deputy press secretary, said in a statement issued in Hawaii, where Mr. Obama is on vacation.

With the United States pulling out of Iraq, the administration has been eager to demonstrate that it will remain a presence in the region. It is proceeding with weapons sales to Iraq, despite fears that Prime Minister Nuri Kamal al-Maliki may abandon his American-backed power-sharing government in favor of a Shiite-dominated state.

The administration has weighed stationing combat troops in Kuwait in case of a military confrontation with Iran or a collapse in security in Iraq. It is also seeking to expand military ties with other gulf countries, including Qatar, Oman and the United Arab Emirates.

"I see this more in the longer-term effort by the administration to signal that even with the withdrawal of troops from Iraq, the U.S. is still committed to the defense of its allies in the gulf and to the containment of Iran," said F. Gregory Gause III, an expert on Saudi affairs at the University of Vermont.

The weapons deal, Mr. Gause said, also illustrated that the two countries could put aside their differences and focus on larger strategic priorities. "After some tension-filled months this year over Egypt and Bahrain, both sides have agreed to disagree on that, and agree on their common interests," he said.

Mark Landler reported from Honolulu, and Steven Lee Myers from Washington. Eric Schmitt contributed reporting from Washington.

A version of this article appeared in print on December 30, 2011, on page A10 of the New York edition with the headline: Healing a Rift, U.S. Agrees to $30 Billion Fighter Jet Sale to Saudi Arabia.

View full page: www.nytimes.com/2011/12/30/world/middleeast/with-30-billion-arms-deal-united-states-bolster...

Generated by Instapaper's Text engine, which transforms web pages for easy text reading on mobile devices.


Original Page: http://www.nytimes.com/2011/12/30/world/middleeast/with-30-billion-arms-deal-united-states-bolsters-ties-to-saudi-arabia.html?_r=1&pagewanted=all




شهادة الحاج تاكيشي



صحيفة الشرق القطريه الخميس 4 صفر 1433 – 29 ديسمبر 2011
شهادة الحاج تاكيشي – فهمي هويدي
أمضى تاكيشي سوزوكي ثلاثين يوما على الباخرة التي نقلته من ميناء «كوبه» الياباني لكي يصل إلى ميناء السويس في مصر.
كان الرجل قد دخل في الإسلام وأراد أن يؤدي فريضة الحج. ونظرا لعدم وجود تمثيل سعودي في اليابان آنذاك، فقد تعين عليه أن يحصل على تأشيرة الدخول إلى المملكة من مصر، وأن ينضم إلى الحجاج المسافرين من السويس إلى الأرض المقدسة.
وهي الرحلة التي قام بها عام 1938، وسجل تفاصيلها في كتاب بعنوان «ياباني في مكة» (ترجمه إلى العربية الدكتور سمير عبدالحميد إبراهيم وسارة تاكيشي وطبع في السعودية عام 1999).
استوقفني في الكتاب لقطة سجلها صاحبنا بعدما تحركت الباخرة بالجميع من السويس متجهة إلى جدة.
إذ عرض على الركاب (الحجاج) فيلم فكاهي أمريكي أضحك الجميع وأشاع بينهم جوا من المرح كانوا بحاجة إليه، لأنهم يعلمون أنهم مقبلون على رحلة شاقة.
وبعدما انتعشوا وضحكوا كثيرا، عرض عليهم فيلم آخر تبين أنه كان يروّج للقطن المصري، ويحرض على رفض المنتجات اليابانية، الأمر الذي اعتبره صاحبنا «دعاية سيئة للغاية».
وهو يصف الفيلم قال إنه بدأ بمنظر في قرية مصر ومكان أقيم فيه مهرجان أو حفل «ترقص فيه بعض النسوة بطريقة غريبة، بحيث تحرك كل واحدة أردافها بطريقة عجيبة على وقع موسيقي انبعثت من آلات بدائية» ــ (واضح أن الرجل كان يتحدث عن الرقص الشرقي).
وبينما الحفل مستمر والرقص «الغريب» متواصل، إذا بسيدة من الجالسات تنهض من مكانها وتنضم إلى الراقصات، إلا أن بعض الجالسين تدخلوا وجذبوها من ثيابها التي تمزقت.
وفي حين ظلت الراقصات يؤدين مهمتهن فإن جذب ثوب المرأة وتمزقه لم يتوقف، حتى بدت شبه عارية في النهاية.
ما جرى بعد ذلك ــ في رواية الحاج تاكيشي الذي أصبح اسمه الحاج محمد صالح ــ أن الراقصات تجمعن حول المرأة المسكينة التي مزقت ثيابها وسألنها عن مصدر قماش ثوبها فأرتهن «ماركة» الثوب، التي ظهرت على الشاشة بوضوح يلفت الأنظار.
وحينئذ صاحت النسوة فيها وشرعن في توبيخها، وهن يرددن السؤال:
لماذا صنعت ثوبك من هذا القماش.
فتعجبت المرأة وتضايقت واشتبكت مع الراقصات.
وتحول الاشتباك إلى عراك طال الثياب التي كانت الراقصات يرتدينها. لكن تلك الثياب لم تصب بسوء.
في حين تحول ثوب المرأة إلى نتف صغيرة. فانكشف معظم جسدها، الأمر الذي جعلها تصرخ وتبكى، فقالت لها الراقصات (والكلام للحاج تاكيشي):
لماذا اخترت مثل هذه المنتجات اليابانية الضعيفة؟
 إن في مصر أقمشة أفضل وأمتن ألف مرة من الأقمشة اليابانية؟ ــ وشركة مصر للأقمشة تصنع أقمشة رائعة. يجب أن تتخلى عن الأقمشة المستوردة. وعلى المصريين أن يستخدموا المنتجات المصرية. انظري لقد تمزقت ملابسه بسهولة، بينما ملابسنا التي أنتجتها شركة مصر للأقمشة لم تنقطع منها «فتلة».
انك إذا لبست ملابس من منتجات هذه الشركة المصرية فسوف نصبح صديقات حميمات.

أضاف صاحبنا قائلا: إن المرأة ذهبت باكية إلى المدينة، واشترت قماشا من إنتاج شركة مصر، وعادت إلى الحفل، فرحبت بها الراقصات وصرن جميعا أصدقاء لها.
وهو يعلق على الفيلم قال إنه «كان دعائيا سخيفا» قصته بسيطة من دون تفاصيل، لكنها قصة ماكرة وأسلوبها في جذب قلوب الناس ماكر أيضا. اعترف بذلك.. ورغم أنه ضد بلادي. إلا أنه فيلم ناجح دعائيا بلا شك.
أصابه التشهير بالأقمشة اليابانية بالغيظ، واشتد حنقه حين وجد أن الحاضرين صفقوا له طويلا بعد انتهاء عرضه، وقد لاحظ أن الذين شاهدوه كانوا خليطا من المسلمين المصريين وغير المصريين الذين قدموا وقد مختلف الدول العربية والإفريقية، لكنه استعاد هدوءه وضحك كثيرا حين تفرّس في شاشة عرض الفيلم في اليوم التالي، فشاهد في أحد زواياها مربعا صغيرا كُتب عليه أنها «صنعت في اليابان».
حدث ذلك منذ نحو ثلاثة أرباع القرن. إذ دافعنا عن الصناعة المصرية في الفيلم ولم ندافع عنها في الحقيقة،
حتى كتب الشيخ محمد الغزالي بعد نصف قرن أننا لو قلنا لكل شيء نلبسه عد بلادك لسرنا عرايا ولكانت فضيحتنا بجلاجل.
وهذه الأيام، بعد ثلاثة أرباع القرن عدنا ننادى «لنشتري المصري».
إننا نريد أن نترجم غيرتنا على الصناعة المصرية بحيث نحوّلها من هتاف إلى فعل.
وأرجو ألا يهاجم أحد السلفيين فكرة الفيلم الذي عرض عام 1938 لمجرد أن الراقصات ظهرن فيه!
………….

View full page: fahmyhoweidy.blogspot.com/2011/12/blog-post_29.html

Generated by Instapaper's Text engine, which transforms web pages for easy text reading on mobile devices.


Original Page: http://fahmyhoweidy.blogspot.com/2011/12/blog-post_29.html